"Samuel Day the the 22nd Iowa"
by

The Assault on Vicksburg, Mississippi

MAY 22, 1863

The defeated and weary Confederate army was now in full retreat back to the safety of Vicksburg, with Grant’s three corps only hours behind. But Pemberton had prepared Vicksburg for just this moment.

Major Samuel H. Lockett, Chief Engineer of the Department of Mississippi and East Louisiana had been working for months on Vicksburg’s defenses. In his detailed report dated July 26, 1863, he described the defenses that Union forces were up against:

The line of defense around the city of Vicksburg consisted . . . of a system of detached works (redans, lunettes, and redoubts) on the prominent and commanding points, with the usual profile of raised field-works, connected, in most cases, by rifle-pits. These works, having been made during the fall and winter of last year, were considerably weakened by washing, and needed strengthening and repairing. Fatigue parties were immediately set to work making these repairs and completing the connection of rifle-pits from work to work.

On the night of May 17, and the morning of the 18^th all the field guns, Parrott guns, and siege pieces at our disposal were put in position on the line, and platforms and embrasures prepared for them.

Between the 18^th and 22^d, the enemy succeeded in establishing their line of circumvallation at about the distance of 800 yards, extending from our extreme left to in front of the square redoubt (Fort Garrott) on the right of Brigadier-General Lee’s line. The fire of their artillery and sharpshooters soon became quite annoying, and showed the necessity of erecting numerous traverses to prevent enfilading fires, and the importance of having covered approaches from the rear. All of these improvements were made as rapidly as possible by the engineers, with fatigue parties working at night(80).

 

The Union forces also had an Engineer Corps to oversee the work on their defenses and works. Captains Frederick E. Prime and C.B. Comstock, Chief Engineers of the Army of the Tennessee, described the defenses of Vicksburg in a report dated September 7, 1863, after having the opportunity to personally inspect the Confederate works after the surrender. Their report states:

Perhaps the best idea of the ground around Vicksburg may be obtained by supposing that originally a plateau, having from 200 to 300 feet elevation, here reached the Mississippi; that the fine soil, which, when cut vertically, will remain so for years, has gradually been washed away by rains and streams till the plateau has disappeared, leaving in its place an intricate network of ravines and ridges, the latter everywhere sharp, and the former only having level bottoms when their streams become of some size. It has already been said that the soil when cut vertically will remain so for years. For this reason the sides of the smaller and newer ravines were often so steep that their ascent was difficult to a footman unless he aided himself with his hands. The sides of the ravines were usually wooded, but near the enemy’s line the trees had been felled, forming in many places entanglements which under fire were absolutely impassable. At Vicksburg the Mississippi runs nearly south, and the streams which enter it from the east run southwest. One such stream enters the river 5 miles below the city, and the dividing ridge which separates two of its branches was that on which the defensive line east of the city was placed. This line on the northern side of the city was on a dividing ridge between two small streams, which enter the Mississippi above Vicksburg.

It may be said, then, that the enemy’s line of defense, leaving the river on the north side of the city where the bluff strikes the river, was generally on a dividing ridge, this ridge being as high or higher than the ground in its vicinity; that in two places the line crossed the valleys of small streams, reaching the river bluff again 2 miles below the city, at a point where the bluff has receded to a distance of 1 mile from the river, and then following the bluff up the river for a mile, to give fire toward the river or any troops that might attempt an attack from the south by moving up between the bluff and the river along the river bottom. This line was well located for seeing the ravines in its front, and consisted of small works on commanding points, necessarily irregular, from the shape of the ridges on which they were situated; in only one case (that of a redoubt 30 yards square) closed at the gorge; of weak profile; placed at distances varying from 75 to 500 yards from each other, and connected by lines of simple trench or rifle-pit.

Vicksburg was, then, rather an intrenched camp than a fortified place, owing much of its strength to the difficult ground, obstructed by fallen trees in its front, which rendered rapidity of movement and ensemble in an assault impossible(81).

 

Grant encircled Vicksburg with his army, dividing responsibility to cover the seven some miles of Confederate defenses between his three corps. Grant placed Sherman’s 15^th Corps on the extreme north of the line, his flank resting against the Mississippi River, M^cPherson’s 17^th Corps in the center, and M^cClernand’s 13^th Corps on the southern end of the line, with is northern flank resting on the spot where the Jackson Railroad entered the Vicksburg defenses.

General Lawler’s troops of the 14^th Division, Second Brigade (including the 22^nd Iowa) were posted directly opposite a great redoubt that protected the southern entrance of the railroad through the valley. Captain C.N. Lee of the 22^nd Iowa described this prominent defensive position: "The position to be gained by the Second Brigade was a strong one¾ a fort surrounded by a ditch 10 feet deep, 6 feet wide, the walls being 20 feet high; the front subject to an enfilading fire of musketry and artillery from almost every direction(82)." The fort described by Captain Lee was known to the Confederates as Fort Beauregard and to the Union as the Great Railroad Redoubt. Situated on a high bluff, it projected out onto the field and was connected to the other works by a series of trenches and ditches. Between the Union position and the Confederate fort was a steep valley, at the bottom of which the Rebels had placed trees, logs and other obstacles to slow the progress of Union attackers.

Union forces arrived in masse around Vicksburg on 18 May. The following day a general assault was attempted all along the Confederate line. The attack was unsuccessful, except that it did advance the Union lines slightly toward Vicksburg. On the southern end of the line, both sides engaged in a clash of pickets and a severe artillery duel. At the northern edge, Sherman’s 15^th Corps attempted a full frontal assault on the Confederate defenses. Union casualties were heavy with 157 killed, over 777 wounded, and 8 missing or captured. This failed assault proved that Vicksburg’s defenses were formidable and that another attack would be costly. Grant, however, decided to try one more attack on the Confederate lines.

On the evening of 21 May, General M^cClernand received the following order from General Grant outlining the assault which would take place the following day:

A simultaneous attack will be made to-morrow at 10 a.m. by all the army corps of this army. During to-day army corps commanders will have examined all practicable routes over which troops can possibly pass. They will get into position all the artillery possible, and gain all the ground they can with their infantry and skirmishers. At an early hour in the morning a vigorous attack will be commenced by artillery and skirmishers. The infantry, with the exception of reserves and skirmishers, will be placed in columns of platoons, or by a flank, if the ground over which they have to pass will not admit of a greater front, ready to move forward at the hour designated. Promptly at the hour designated all will start at quick time, with bayonets fixed, and march immediately upon the enemy, without firing a gun until the outer works are carried. Skirmishers will advance as soon as possible after heads of columns pass them, and scale the walls of such works as may confront them(83).

 

This was said to be the first recorded use of synchronized timepieces to signal the start of a simultaneous coordinated attack by a multiple force.

Early on May 22^nd, the Union forces opened with a lethal artillery fire from Grant’s batteries to the east while Porter’s ironclads and ships shelled the Confederate lines from the river. The artillery barrage was kept up for over two hours, with hopes of breaching the enemy’s defenses and inflicting as much damage as possible.

Union forces, already in position before the artillery bombardment, nervously waited for the shelling to stop. At exactly 10 a.m., the firing ceased and an ominous quiet settled on the battlefield. Grant’s infantry then rose from their positions and with bayonets fixed, moved toward the Confederate defenders.

General Lawler, Commander of the 14^th Division, Second Brigade, led his men against the Great Railroad Redoubt. His report of May 26, 1863, describes the action of his four regiments in the furious assault on the fort:

By daylight on the morning of the 22^d instant, my brigade, consisting of the Eleventh Wisconsin and the Twenty-first and Twenty-second Iowa Volunteers, had moved forward and occupied the ravine immediately in front of and about 100 yards from the rebel fortifications. The Ninety-seventh Illinois, Lieutenant-Colonel Martin, placed temporarily under my command, was stationed in the ravine in the rear of the Eleventh Wisconsin Volunteers. Here they were sheltered by the brow of the hill, on the top and a little to the rear of which the enemy’s works were constructed.

This position they continued to occupy without change until the hour (10 a.m.) appointed for the charge arrived. Promptly at the hour my line was formed for the assault, the Twenty-second Iowa, Col. William M. Stone, occupying the right; the Eleventh Wisconsin, Colonel Harris, the left, with the Twenty-first Iowa, Major Van Anda, supporting the Twenty-second, and the Ninety-seventh Illinois the Eleventh Wisconsin. Colonel Stone led his regiment against the enemy’s fort directly in our front; the Eleventh Wisconsin, Colonel Harris, charged toward the rifle-pits to the left of the fort, the two supporting regiments closely following. As soon as they reached the crest of the hill, a terrible fire from the enemy in front and on both flanks swept the ground and did fearful execution. Officers and men fell on every side; but, with a courage that could not be daunted, the Twenty-second and Twenty-first Iowa on the right, and the Eleventh Wisconsin and a portion of the Ninety-seventh Illinois on the left, moved upon the enemy’s works. Reaching them, the width and depth of the ditch in front of the works, combined with the heavy fire poured into them by the rebels, checked the main advance of the Twenty-second and Twenty-first Iowa; a few brave men, however, leaping into the ditch, clambered up the sides of the fort, rushed into it, engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict with the rebels occupying the outer wing of the fort, overcame them, killing many and compelling the remainder to surrender. Thus a portion of their works were in our possession, with the flag of the Twenty-second Iowa planted upon the walls. Those men of the Twenty-first and Twenty-second who did not go into the fort sheltered themselves in the ditch in its front and the gullies washed on the sides of the hill, and opened a vigorous and effective fire upon the rebels.

On the left, the Eleventh Wisconsin Volunteers, Colonel Harris, with portions of the Twenty-second and Twenty-first Iowa Volunteers, which had become detached from their commands, and Ninety-seventh Illinois, succeeded in crossing the brow of the hill, under shelter of which their line had been formed; but, unfortunately, between them and the enemy’s pits in their front was a deep and hitherto concealed ravine, filled with abatis. Into this Colonel Harris moved with his command, but beyond it, owing partly to the difficulty of the ravine itself, partly to the concentrated fire of the enemy, and partly to a want of sufficient support, he found it impossible to advance. Disposing of his men in the bottom and along the sides of the ravine as best he could, he halted and bravely held his ground.

In the mean time Landram’s brigade had moved forward to my support, and as it came up into the ravine the Nineteenth Kentucky was ordered to move over the hill to the assistance of the Eleventh Wisconsin Volunteers, which, under the leadership of the major commanding, they promptly did, losing, however, many men in the passage, among whom, I regret to say, was their gallant major.

The Seventy-seventh Illinois moved up to the right to the support of the Twenty-second and Twenty-first Iowa. Facing the fire of the enemy, they advanced upon the rebel fort, and planted their banner on its walls beside those of the Twenty-second Iowa. The One hundred and thirtieth Illinois halted in the ravine as a reserve; but while my command was being strengthened, as above, the enemy were not idle. Heavy re-enforcements had been drawn from their right and massed in my front behind their works.

As my men were already much exhausted, and as the re-enforcements sent them were light, farther advance under the circumstances was deemed impracticable, and orders were accordingly issued directing the men of the two brigades to hold the ground already gained, and this with the hope that re-enforcements might soon be forwarded, with whose aid they might assault the rebel works with a certainty of success. No re-enforcements, however, could be spared us during the forenoon, and until late in the afternoon our position remained the same as in the morning. All the efforts of the enemy to dislodge or drive us back were unavailing. At sunset, however, a determined rush was made by the rebels to regain possession of their work, which, in consequence of the exhaustion of the men holding it, was successful.

Falling back a few rods from the rebel works until they obtained the protection of the crest of the hill, my men halted and opened such a fire upon the enemy as effectually checked their advance and compelled them to remain close under the protection of their works. A heavy fire was kept up from both sides until dark, when, by mutual consent, it ceased.

At 8 p.m. I received orders to withdraw my men and occupy the same ground I held the evening before the charge, which was promptly done, after bringing off all my wounded, with the exception of those in the ditch immediately under the rebel works.

The loss of the brigade in the course of the day’s fighting was very heavy. Out of the three regiments composing it, 375 were killed, wounded, and missing(84).

 

Further mentioned in General Lawler’s report were Colonel William M. Stone, who received a ball through the arm after the flag of his regiment was planted on the walls of the Rebel fort, and Lieutenant Colonel Harvey Graham, 22^nd Iowa, who was wounded and taken prisoner inside the fort along with several other members of the regiment. A special note was reserved for Sergeant Joseph E. Griffith, Company I, 22^nd Iowa, who distinguished himself in the charge on the fort, and along with N.C. Messenger, were the only two members of the regiment to escape from the fort at dusk.

General Grant watched his army attack the Confederate fortifications and directed the action of all three corps. His report of July 6, 1863, states:

Accordingly, on the 21^st, orders were issued for a general assault on the whole line, to commence at 10 a.m. on the 22^d. All the corps commanders set their time by mine, that there should be no difference between them in movement of assault. Promptly at the hour designated the three army corps then in front of the enemy’s works commenced the assault. I had taken a commanding position near M^cPherson’s front, and from which I could see all the advancing columns from his corps, and a part of each of Sherman’s and M^cClernand’s. A portion of the commands of each succeeded in planting their flags on the outer slopes of the enemy’s bastions, and maintained them there until night.

Each corps had many more men than could possibly be used in the assault over such ground as intervened between them and the enemy. More men could only avail in case of breaking through the enemy’s line or in repelling a sortie. The assault was gallant in the extreme on the part of all the troops, but the enemy’s position was too strong, both naturally and artificially, to be taken in that way. At every point assaulted, and at all of them at the same time, the enemy was able to show all the force his works would cover.

The assault failed, I regret to say, with much loss on our side in killed and wounded, but without weakening the confidence of the troops in their ability to ultimately succeed.

No troops succeeded in entering any of the enemy’s works with the exception of Sergeant Griffith, of the Twenty-first [Twenty-second] Iowa Volunteers, and some 11 privates of the same regiment. Of these none returned, except the sergeant and possibly 1 man [N.C. Messenger]. The work entered by him, from its position, could give us no practical advantage, unless others to the right and left of it were carried and held at the same time(85).

 

General Carter L. Stevenson, Commander of the Fourth Brigade, was responsible for the men defending Fort Beauregard on the morning of May 22, 1863. His report of July 29, 1863, states:

On the morning of May 22, many indications showed that they contemplated an assault upon the line of General [S. D.] Lee. A tremendous artillery fire was opened and kept up for about two hours, while the fire of their large force of sharpshooters was heavy and incessant.

At about 1 p.m. a heavy force moved out to the assault, making a gallant charge. They were allowed to approach unmolested to within good musket range, when every available gun was opened upon them with grape and canister, and the men, rising in the trenches, poured into their ranks volley after volley with so deadly an effect that, leaving the ground literally covered in some places with their dead and wounded, they precipitately retreated. An angle of one of our redoubts hail been breached by their artillery before the assault and rendered untenable. Toward this point, at the time of the repulse of the main body, a party of about 60 of the enemy, under the command of a lieutenant-colonel, made a rush, and succeeded in effecting a lodgment in the ditch at the foot of the redoubt and planting two flags on the edge of the parapet. The work was constructed in such a manner that this ditch was commanded by no part of the line, and the only means by which they could be dislodged was to retake the angle by a desperate charge, and either kill or compel the surrender of the whole party by the use of hand-grenades. A call for volunteers for this purpose was made and promptly responded to by Lieut. Col. E. W. Pettus, Twentieth Alabama Regiment, and about 40 men of Waul’s Texas Legion. A more gallant feat than this charge has not illustrated our arms during the war.

The preparations were quietly and quickly made, but the enemy seemed at once to divine our intention, and opened upon the angle a terrible fire of shot, shell, and musketry. Undaunted, this little band, its chivalrous commander at its head, rushed upon the work, and in less time than it requires to describe it, it and the flags were in our possession.

Preparations were then quickly made for the use of hand-grenades, when the enemy in the ditch, being informed of our purpose, immediately surrendered(86).

 

Defending Fort Beauregard was Major General C. L. Stevenson’s Third Brigade, commanded by Brigadier General Steven D. Lee. Lee’s forces consisted of the 20^th, 23^rd, 30^th, and 46^th Alabama Regiments, the Alabama Battery and a detachment of Colonel T.N. Waul’s Texas Legion as reserves. General S. D. Lee wrote of the assault in his report dated July 25, 1863:

At about 10 a.m. on the 22^d, a gallant assault was made upon our works from the right of my position to the extreme left of our line on the river. The assault upon my front was a determined one, but was handsomely repulsed, with a considerable loss to the enemy. They succeeded, however, in carrying an angle of the work immediately to the right of the railroad, and in planting two colors upon the parapet, which remained there for several hours. The angle was finally assaulted and carried by a gallant band of Waul’s Texas Legion, under the command of the intrepid Lieut. Col. E. W. Pettus, Twentieth Alabama Regiment. This brave officer, assisted by Major [O.] Steele and Captain [L. D.] Bradley, of the Legion, and the heroic Texans, captured the colors of the enemy and about 50 prisoners, including a lieutenant-colonel. A more daring feat has not been performed during the war, and too much praise cannot be awarded to every one engaged in it(87).

 

Colonel T. N. Waul, Commander of the Texas Legion, led the counterattack on Fort Beauregard, occupied by the 22^nd Iowa and 77^th Illinois. His report of July 30, 1863, provides a fascinating insight into this portion of the battle:

On the morning of May 22, the enemy opened with a fierce and incessant fire of artillery, which continued for two hours. After the cannonading ceased, the enemy moved in distinct and separate columns against each of the salient points in General Lee’s front, their forces massed in the rear. The advance and supporting columns started at a double-quick, with division front. Two companies of the Legion, under the command of Major [O.] Steele, were sent to support the garrison in the left redoubt. The remainder were ordered to the front, and took an active part in the defense of the line and the repulse of the enemy. Unprotected by breastworks, they were subjected to the most galling fire, and well they sustained the noble cause for which they fought, never relaxing, but [fighting] with increased ardor, until the last of the enemy was prostrated or driven from their sight. The loss was very severe, particularly so in officers, every officer of the staff present being either killed or seriously wounded. Assistant Adjutant-General [Louis] Popendieck and Aide-de-Camp Simmons, after exhibiting the most gallant and daring conduct in extending orders under the incessant stream of shell and Minie balls, fell, leaving an undying record of their courage and dauntless bearing.

After the repulse of the advance columns of the enemy, it was perceived that a party more daring had crossed the ditch of the redoubt on the left, planted two flags upon the parapet, entered a breach made by their artillery, taking a few prisoners and driving the garrison from the angle of the fort. Alive to the importance of the position, General Lee issued and reiterated orders to Colonel [C. M.] Shelley, commanding the Thirtieth Alabama, and Lieutenant-Colonel [E. W.] Pettus, commanding the Twentieth Alabama, who occupied the fort, to retake it at all hazards, offering the flags to the command capturing them. After several vain attempts, they refused to volunteer, nor could the most strenuous efforts of their chivalric commanders urge or incite them to the assault. General Lee then directed the colonel of the Legion to have the fort taken. He immediately went, taking with him one battalion of the Legion to aid or support the assailants, if necessary, in forming Captain [L. D.] Bradley and Lieutenant [J.] Hogue, who respectively commanded the companies that had been previously sent as a support to the garrison. These gallant officers not only willingly agreed, but solicited the honor of leading their companies to the assault, not wishing to expose a larger force than necessary. Captain Bradley was ordered to select 20 and Lieutenant Hogue 15 men from their respective companies. Lieutenant-Colonel Pettus, thoroughly acquainted with the locality and its approaches, came, musket in hand, and most gallantly offered to guide and lead the party into the fort. Three of Colonel Shelley’s regiment also volunteered. With promptness and alacrity they moved to the assault, retook the fort, drove the enemy through the breach they entered, tore down the stand of colors still floating over the parapet, and sent them to the colonel commanding the Legion, who immediately transmitted it, with a note, to General Lee. This feat, considered with the accompanying circumstances¾ the occupation by the enemy; the narrow pass through which the party had to enter; the enfilading fire of musketry and artillery they had to encounter in the approach; the unwillingness of the garrison, consisting of two regiments, to volunteer, and permitting the flags to float for three hours over their parapets; the coolness, courage, and intrepidity manifested¾ deserves the highest praise for every officer and man engaged in the hazardous enterprise. The enemy, driven from the fort, ensconced themselves behind the parapet in the outer ditch. Two companies were immediately ordered to the fort, to aid in dislodging the enemy. Many of the men mounted the parapet and fired into the ditch, subjecting themselves to the aim of its occupants and the concentrated fire from the enemy’s lines. A few shells used as hand-grenades bursting among the enemy, soon caused them to surrender, although so soon as we ceased casting missiles, under cover of the approaching darkness, more than half of the number escaped. In the pursuit, Lieutenant-Colonel [J.] Wrigley, of the second battalion, captured the other stand of colors snatched by the enemy from the parapet, but dropped in his flight(88).

 

Sergeant Joseph E. Griffith, credited with being one of two survivors to escape from inside Fort Beauregard, wrote an account of the attack in 1868 for the Annals of Iowa. In this rare article, he describes the action:

On the 18^th of May the Union lines enveloped the fated fortress, from Haines [Haynes] Bluffs to within a short distance of Warrenton. In this victorious array and along the line of the Jackson Railroad, was posted the 22^nd Iowa. Forming but a small integral part of the heroic band which so fearlessly bearded the lion in his den, it still made itself heard and seen in the transactions of the envelopment, prior to the last charge. Men who had accustomed themselves to be regarded as invincible, who had been victorious on every field, followed in the trail of the fortuitous events which Grant had dictated, clamorously begged to be led on to those ominous-looking earth-works? Do those now living of that number present, remember the feelings experienced on the night of the 21^st of May, when towards dark the word came from headquarters that, at ten o’clock the next day, our wishes were to be gratified? They certainly must, for such thoughts come but once in a life time.

Our troops were then on the line of hills nearest, and parallel to the commanding heights occupied by the rebel works. After dark, about 11 o’clock, we moved over the hill, carrying ammunition and the necessaries of a battle-field on our shoulders. The remainder of the night we slept in the ravine under the guns of the forts. The rebel picket on the side and crest of the hill must have had a forewarning of the events of the coming day, for how restlessly did he gaze and peer into the darkness below him! Our boys now realized, in the few unexcited hours which separated us from the Johnnies, that we had an affair on had which would cost us much blood; and yet how jokingly these men talked of eating dinner at the Washington Hotel [in Vicksburg]; and many a one who had hopes of a furlough to go home, at the close of "to-morrow," had received his final furlough-lay stretched in death. The men, wearied with their labors and vigils of the three previous weeks, stretched their limbs for a few hours’ rest, preparatory to the work before them. How merrily, in the silent hours of the night even, did the light-heartedness of our soldiers compare with the well-known "sang froid" ^* of the followers of Napoleon’s eagles, thinking only of certain victory. The bed picked out, the watchful sentinel alone showed signs of life.

Promptly at day-break of the 22^nd of May, to prevent surprise, the regiment is up, cooking their breakfast; the knapsacks and extra equipments are piled up, each company by itself, and a man detailed to guard them. Early in the morning a detail is sent up to the crest of the hill to skirmish with the enemy. Company "A" is afterwards sent out on the same duty. The balance of the regiment is variously occupied. Not signs of trepidation, no anxieties shown to avoid the unequal contest which is felt to be coming on; and yet many, acting under the admonitions of a presentiment, prepare their worldly affairs and seek peace with their Maker.

The ground in front of the rebel fort which we are to assault is in part a level plateau, the rest small ravines, intersected by ruts and hollows; all exposed to a direct enfilading and in part a reverse fire from the enemy. We are happily ignorant of the locality until the moment had come when we are to cross it, or I imagine the men would not possess the firm appearance of victory and success which they do. It is imagined that the rebels dare not make a very strong defense.

About a half an hour before ten, the regiment is called to "Attention!" in two lines, the right wing [Companies A, D, F, H, and I] in front. The 21^st Iowa is on our left, the 19^th Kentucky and 77^th Illinois are to support us. The lines move forward, up the hill¾ a difficult operation, too, in line of battle; the ground being so cut up, we are sheltered from fire until near the crest. We know that Grant, M^cClernand, Carr and Lawler are watching our movements; but we little know of the warm reception which we are to receive in a few moments. Our color bearer [David Jordan, Company B] is in the front rank¾ the same flag which we carried from Camp Pope eight months ago is inciting us to victory. Stone, Graham, Robertson, are exhorting us to do our duty; it is unnecessary¾ each one of that column feels that his beloved Iowa is looking for good news from her sons.

Quietly and in good order the regiment advances to the summit, outstripping the troops on the right and left in the race for glory; but how soon does the devoted band discover the true position of affairs, when with a yell of defiance it starts over the intervening ground which separated it from the front of Fort Beauregard! Leaving their comrades by the scores, the remainder dauntlessly close on the enemy, who from the moment a head was visible over the crest of the hill, had been delivering a constant and well directed fire of grapeshot, shell, musketry, glass, railroad iron and even hickory nuts [probably from a cannon]. To add to the embarrassment, a well-intended but poorly-directed fire from an Ohio battery in our rear works, is committing havoc in our ranks; the gallant Robb [Lieutenant Matthew A. Robb, Company D] thus fell a victim to the excitement of the cannoniers. Imagine the surprise of the men who had crossed the plateau safely, to find a deep and wide ditch encompassing the enemy’s works. For a moment, and but a moment, does the line waiver, when with a jump the men are in the ditch, and force the enemy to keep under cover; a dead space is found under the salient of the fort, which partly screens them from fire. They endeavor to scale the works and force an entrance into the bastion. Thirteen men succeeded in planting the colors on the parapet, and enter to contest for the possession of an angle of the work between one of the curtains and a bomb-proof magazine. The enemy was forced to surrender, and before night a lieutenant and twelve men were safely turned over to General M^cClernand.

All day did the flag remain on the works; no reinforcements came; our sharp-shooters had dug their rat-holes on the outer side of the parapet, and fire incessantly. The enemy, elated at the wholesale butchery of the morning, took courage, and occupy all the main parts of the work. It was evident to the remaining few of the 22^nd Iowa, that it was necessary to leave the ditch at the first opportunity, or all would be captured. All hopes are given up of taking Vicksburg. Favored by darkness, some return to the ground left in the morning; but Lieut. Col. Graham, Capt. Gearky [John H. Gearkee, Captain, Company B], and fifteen men are taken prisoners.

Imagine the picture presented to the eye that night. Vicksburg still in the hands of the enemy; the ground literally strewn with dead bodies; the groans of the wounded and dying so appalling; the assault a failure, merely from the want of more support. Within and on the banquette of the salient lie the corpses of [William P.] Marvin [Company I], [John] Hale [Company I], [Martin L.] Kirk [Company I], [William] Griffin [Company I], [John A.] Robb [Company D], the two Drummond Boys [Elvin and Hezekiah, Company D], [David] Jordan [Company B], and [Marshall D.] Fry [Company I] who fearlessly sacrificed their young lives in a hand-to-hand contest with the foe, and who with in their ardor though only of opening a passage into the Gibraltar of the south. Shades of those brave men who fell within the fort, and far from any succor! Ye fell not as victims but as martyrs in the cause of freedom, and in support of the Constitution! Alone, and seen only by Him who rules all things, ye fought the rebels with cold steel; and in giving up your lives forced him to surrender. Your dead bodies formed a barrier to the enemy from touching yonder flag, which defiantly waves, through shattered and torn.

Not quite as far to the front, and in the ditch, fell Lieut. [Matthew A.] Robb (afterwards carried to the rear), [Edwin W.] Hamlin, [Company I] and many others¾ an awful spectacle of slaughter. On the plateau, and fallen early in the fray, with up-turned faces are [Captain James] Robertson [Company I], Lamb, and others. Col. Stone has been borne off the field, Lieut. Col. Graham is a prisoner; few officers who were with the regiment in the morning escaped unscathed; the fragments of the gallant band who received their "eighty rounds" [normal issue was 40 rounds] the night before, were left on the night of 22^nd May. Scarcely a handful rallied around that jolly old soul, Jim Sterling, the Quartermaster, whose forethought had provided a supper. A stern, silent, and sober array formed around the camp¾ fires behind the 1^st U.S. Infantry that night. A shove-full of dirt over each dead body, and a handful of cotton under the boys over the hill yonder in Carr’s Division Hospital, is all the care necessary to-night(89).

 

Captain C.N. Lee of the 22^nd Iowa participated in the assault and recalls the event in his report, dated August 3, 1863:

At 10 o’clock on the morning of the 22^d, when the appointed time had arrived, the Twenty-second Iowa deployed two companies (A and B) as skirmishers and advanced, followed by the other regiments of the brigade, to the front, determined to dislodge the enemy or die in the attempt. Onward they went through the most galling fire of musketry, grape, and canister, until retarded by an almost impassable abatis. This obstacle overcome, they gained the top of the hill, gathered around, driving the enemy from the rifle-pits in front, and planting the Stars and Stripes on the ramparts. About fifty men of the Twenty-second scaled the walls and entered the fort, driving the enemy before them and taking 15 prisoners. There being a series of rifle-pits in the rear, it was impossible to hold it with such an inadequate force under a terribly destructive fire, and they withdrew, with a loss of nearly half their number killed, wounded, or captured. Knowing unless we would be supported properly by re-enforcements we would have to fall back, we held our position until nightfall, when, failing to receive re-enforcements, we retired under cover of the night, with a loss of 164 killed, wounded, and missing.

In this desperate charge the Twenty-second Iowa had the advance, and won new laurels to add to those already won by the brave soldiers of Iowa(90).

 

S.C. Jones of Company A participated in the 22^nd May assault of Vicksburg. His observations provide us with a soldier’s view of the events of this day:

The 21^st. We moved up here last night. We are on a parallel ridge with the Confederate fortifications. We are digging rifle pits to protect our men from the Confederate sharpshooters. A detail of men, in the darkness last night, wormed their way over to the Confederate fortification. It was perilous undertaking. There are soldiers who are ready and willing at any time to risk their lives for the good of the service. Among them was John Smiley of Company "G", who says: "We went down quietly until we became aware of the presence of the enemy’s pickets, then we moved more cautiously. It was extremely dark. We wormed ourselves though the brush going a length at a time, passing over each other till we come directly under the fort. We could distinguish the outlines of the construction of the fort between us and the sky. We gathered all the information we could and returned in the same noiseless way and reported to our commander." There is not doubt but the position from which we started on the charge the next day was selected from the observations of this detail who hazarded their lives for just such a purpose. The Pioneer Corps, assisted by details of our men, are throwing up works for siege guns and other batteries.

The last three days have been especially severe on our Regiment, though not actively engaged, we have been under the most galling fire of shots and shell and other missiles which have made it very trying on the men. The number fit for duty is decreasing very rapidly.

We rest on our arms in line of battle and snatch a lit-let [sic] sleep. At about 12 or 1 midnight, we were quietly awakened, and formed into line and marched quietly down the side of the ridge, across the ravine and immediately under the fort, about 50 yards from the main structure, Fort Beauregard.

May 22^nd finds us in line of battle along the edge of the ravine under the fort. We were awakened before day and moved a little to the left of where we were. Orders are given in a whisper. Company "A" (Commanded by S.C. Jones, the only commissioned officer present) was ordered to the left, and deployed as sharpshooters. Company "B" (Captain John H. Gearkee in command) was ordered to the right with the same orders. The bugs and beetles, only are allowed to make a noise. About 9 a.m., cannonading commenced all around our line simultaneously. The Confederates replied, but not vigorously. They knew this was a prelude to something more desperate and only fired when the men required action. Inaction under incessant fire demoralized. Hundreds of guns and mortars opened their mouths and belched forth flame and missiles of death. For an hour or more the chasing shot and shell from both sides passed over us (as if we were not known to be there) with all their weird noises, hisses, and shrieks. About 10:15, our army arose at once as if by magic out of the ground. Then commenced the ordeal. The Regiment on a charge started for the Fort. At once the Confederates opened with grape and canister, plowing gaps through our ranks. Steadily, we pushed on up the slope into the ditch and over the parapet, placed the flag on the fort, and kept it there for some time. Thirteen prisoners were taken out of the fort, only a few boys* got into the fort and they had to come out of it, and remained in the ditch outside. By this time the Confederates that fled or were driven away returned with re-enforcements [Waul’s Texas Legion], so we now had to protect ourselves the best we could. That was one by all kinds of devices. On the open we dug holes for our bodies in the ground, or in the wall of the ditch with our bayonets, or maybe a friendly stump protected us. As the Regiment moved forward, it was met with a torrent of shot and shell and minnie balls. The rebels for a moment stood on the top of their rifle-pits, pouring their deadly shot into us. Then was our sharpshooter’s opportunity, and well they made use of it. Many of the Confederates paid with their lives for their foolhardiness. The noise of battle was fearfully awful, with shrieking shot, exploding shells, and the groans of the wounded and dying. Missiles of all kinds, dust and powder-smoke filled the air. This state of things continued for hours, then quieted down. About three o’clock reenforcements were sent, and an attempt was made to follow up our victory, but it proved useless. By that time the few left of our Regiment had secured partial safety till darkness would assist us to fall back to the rear. The Confederates dared not show themselves nor could we safely. Some of our men in the ditch were captured. As soon as it became dusk we darted from our secluded places and ran to the rear, each for himself. We could only wait until each one would see his chance to get out. Many of us got a parting shot. As we reached the ridge that we left the night of the 21^st, we were met by some of our Regiment and directed where to go to find our Quartermaster, who had prepared something for us to eat(91).

 

Another participant described the action of the assault on Fort Beauregard:

Among the charging Federals was Lieutenant Colonel Lysander Webb of the 77^th Illinois. His regiment’s objective was the so called Railroad Redoubt, which guarded the passage of the Southern Mississippi through the town’s eastern defenses. "Down into the abatis of fallen timber and brush we went," wrote Webb, "our comrades falling thickly on all sides of us. Still up the hill we pressed, through the brambles and brush, over the dead and dying-up, up we struggled, over logs, into ditches, clinging here to a bush to keep from falling backwards, and there to a thorny bramble-oh! that was a half hour which may God grant we shall never be called upon to experience again." Only a handful of Webb’s regiment managed to reach their objective(92).

 

Still another eyewitness to the assault:

The 21^st Iowa of General Lawler’s brigade was also fighting its way toward the formidable Railroad Redoubt. Regimental Adjutant George Crooke recalled, "It was a tornado of iron on our left, a hurricane of shot on our right. We passed through the mouth of hell. Every third man fell, either filled or wounded(93)."

 

Realizing the importance of the breach in the enemy’s defenses, M^cClernand sent several urgent messages to General Grant asking for re-enforcements and a continued push along the line as a diversion for his attack. After three such messages, Grant reluctantly agreed, sending Landrum’s Brigade to support M^cClernand while ordering Sherman and M^cPherson to mount another attack against the enemy. The resulting attack doubled the number of casualties and was too late to help M^cClernand’s troops further their penetration into the Confederate works. "In the bitter words of Sergeant Aaron Dunbar of the 93rd Illinois, ‘It was much like marching men to their graves in line of battle(94).’" Under cover of darkness, M^cClernand’s men retreated to the position they held the morning of the attack. Thus ended the assault upon Vicksburg. Grant, realizing that Vicksburg could not be won by frontal assault, settled in for a siege of the city.

80. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, p. 330.

81. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, pgs. 169-170.

82. Ibid., p. 244.

83. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 1, p. 154.

84. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, pgs. 140-142.

85. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 1, p. 55.

86. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, p. 344.

87. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, p. 351.

88.Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, pgs. 357-358.

^* "sang froid" comes from the French: sang, blood (from Old French, from Latin sanguì s) + froid, cold (from Old French, from Vulgar Latin frigidus, alteration of Latin frì gidus). It literally means "cold blooded," or more precisely--coolness and composure, especially in trying circumstances.

89. Griffith, Joseph Evan. "The Twenty-second Iowa Infantry at Vicksburg." Annals of Iowa. Iowa: 1868, pp. 215-219.

90. Official Records, Vol XXIV, Part 2, p. 244.

^* Actually 19 men entered the fort: Joseph E. Griffith, N.C. Messenger, David Trine, W.H. Needham Munsen L. Clemmons, Alvin Drummond, Ezra S. Anderson, Hugh Sinclair, Lieutenant Matthew A. Robb, John A. Robb, Samuel Lloyd, William Griffin, William P. Marvin, Hezekiah Drummond, John Hale, David Jordan, Allen Cloud, Abner Bernard, and Richard Arthur.

91. Jones, 22^nd Iowa, pgs. 37-39.

92. Korn, Jerry. War on the Mississippi. Grant’s Vicksburg Campaign. Alexandria, Virginia: Time Life Books Inc., 1985. p. 130.

93. Ibid., p. 130.

94. Ibid., p. 132.

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