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17th Iowa Infantry
Manuscripts by Linus Freeman Parrish
Linus Parrish Manuscript A
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Sketches of Arm...
of 1861 to 1865 by L. F. P...
Co. G. 17th Regt. Iowa Vet. V...
After two unsuccesful attempts to...Service, I was permitted on... enlist. I entered the service a...
Co. G 17th Regt. Iowa Vols Infantry, on March 12, 1862. My age at that date was 16 yr. 6 m. 4 ds. In company with 28 others, all of Dallas Co. Iowa, I left Adel the county seat of Dallas Co. and went to Des Moines, remained there 3 days, when we boarded a boat down the Des Moines River to Eddyville, where we left the Boat and took cars for Keokuk, the place of rendesvous for the Regt. Here we passed Surgical Examination, and muster into the U. S. Service. We remained here about two weeks, organizing into Companies, drilling &c. We were then ordered to St Louis Mo., where we were safly landed by one of the fine steamers that plows the waves of the Father of Waters. We took quarters in Benton Barracks, drew Army Clothing, Guns &c. and...
to resemble Soldiers in looks at least. While here...
in most of our time on the parade ground o...
In about 3 weeks we were ordered to pack f...
was no easy task for raw recruits, as we all h...
...ld be stored in our knapsacks. We done the b...
...marched through the city to the wharfs. ...
...the Mis...
...that...
[there may have been one more line at the bottom of this page, now entirely crumbled away]
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On our way from St. Louis to Pittsburg Landing, we were given 3 rounds of amunition, which were to be used against the enemy should they attack us as was expected, but we were not molested at all. In two or three days after landing our Colonel (Rankin) concluded he would like to see how the boys would stand fire. The Regiment was formed in line of battle, and orders given to load with blank cartridges, which was done by breaking off the balls and simply loading with powder and paper. All ready. Fire by Company. Fire. Well we had fun for a little while, but as this proceedings was in violation of Genl Orders, it created quite an alarm, and made the impression on those in the front and at headquarters that an attack by the enemy was being made on our base of supplies, which were then at the Landing. Here comes Generals and Aides from several directions to learn what the trouble was, and when informed by Colonel Rankin that he was practicing with his Regt. he was put under arrest. This put an end to the fun for that day. We were soon ordered to the front out near Farmington where we could have some thing to practice on. Here we begun to realize what a soldiers work was. My first night on picket Guard was one very dark stormy night. The wind blew a perfect Hurricane. I was on Vidette and consequently could not be relieved till morning. I knew the enemy were very near. My orders were to ha...
no man, as we were expecting an attack at any moment, but if I saw any one, to fire and retre...
to the reserve post. I did not see any on...
thought evry time it would lightning, an...
almost constantly, that I could see the...
...hundreds Ñ every bush or tree...
...a gun Ñ I tell you it was...
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many thoughts passed through my mind. I felt that great responsibilities were resting on me as a guard. Others safety rested on my vigilence. Life, Liberty and country were at stake. I stood between our Army, and our enemy. My orders were, to retire to our reserve post in the morning as soon as it was light enough to see how to get back, which I did and was glad to behold the boys in blue once more, for I felt as though I had just came out of the Jaws of death, as many of the boys were either killed or captured while on guard. Well a few nights later our Col. became alarmed. It happened in this way. One of Co. C had found a very large old fashioned coffee mill, the kind that fastens to the side of the wall or fire place in the House. This mill was fastened to a large clothing box, and was used by nearly the entire regiment for grinding coffee, but mostly in daytime. Well the alarm was caused by some of the boys who had been on duty all day, and who wanted some coffee before retiring for the night. So they go to mill as the boys called it, and begun grinding. The camp being quiet, our Mill made a noise equal to a battalion of Cavalry on a charge Ñ Col Rankin jumps out of his tent thinking we were being attacked, and ordered the regiment to fall in. The drums sounded the long roll. So we lay in line of battle for about two hours before the cause of the alarm was made known to the Col. After that, there was no more running the mill at night as the boys did not like to be hustled out of their cosy tents to lay in line waiting f...
On the 28th day of May 1862 we were introduced...
a sharp little fight. Loss to our...
wounded in the knee. ...
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I have just came out of my first battle, which as before stated happened May 28 1862. I am perfectly calm till I fire my first shot. i realize that I am shooting at my fellow man, and he is shooting at me. I begin to tremble, can hardly load my gun. I serve as camp guard tonight, and all night long I can hear the rebs s they are preparing to evacuate Corinth near which place we are camped. I can hear them hollowing, hear the whistle of the Locomotives. There seems to be quite a commotion in the enemies camp - but we do not know what it means. Morning comes, our army or a portion of it takes possession of Corinth, while the remainder move out after the retreating foe. After several days marching and several skirmishes, our command were ordered into camp at camp Clear Springs, a short distance from Corinth. Here we receive our first pay from U. S. From this camp we made quite a number of Scouts, and Hard Marches after the Johnies. We soon learn that soldiers do not need much baggage, and act accordingly. We traveled over a good portion of Miss. Tenn. and Ala. Sept. 19th my Regt. engaged in Battle of Iuka. Lost nearly a hundred men. My school and bunk mate Ross Richmond was killed in this battle. I was sick at the time and was in the Corps Hospital up near Camp Clear Springs. I was next sent to Columbus Ky. and from there to Cairo and Mound City, Ills., where I remained in hospital about 3 weeks with fever. I rejoined my Regt. at Corinth Miss shortly after the second battle of Corinth, in which my regt. took an active part, loosing over a...
men killed and wounded. This battle...
3 & 4th of Oct 1862. You w...
we are having plenty of Practice...
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The Pay Master again makes us glad by paying us off. We are paid this time entirely in Green Backs. 1st time it was corn. We lay in camp here till the last of the month Oct., when orders were given to prepare for marching. The sick and convalescen[ts] were put on the cars, myself being then of the latter class. We run up to Jackson Tenn., then out to La Grange (as nice a town as I ever seen) then on to ÒDavis Mills,Ó where the Regt. was to be stationed to do duty along the R. R. as we had to guard every foot of road we had, and the road had to be patroled evry hour in the night. I resumed duty and was not off duty till Nov. 1863 when I was hurt at Mission Ridge. We remained here a few weeks Ñ then we moved up nearer to Memphis, at Brays Station. Here we built winter quarters, which consisted of Rail pens 8 or 10 feet square covered with boards or tents and chinked with straw and plastered with clay. We had a small stick fire place and were at home in our snug quarters. But guarding Rail Roads is not pleasant nor easy work, for you are on duty about every other day and night.
Grant thinks of taking Vicksburg. The army is moved down to Oxford Miss below Holly Springs, where Grants supplies were kept. (Here I get a pair of yarn gloves from Sister Jennie). Rebel Genl. Van Dorn runs in and destroys about all our supplies, and Grant changes his route. We go to Memphis, and after Grant gets every thing ready, which takes several weeks, during which time we are in camp near memphis, the Army embarks on steamers and floats down the Old Miss River to Helena, Ark., go aground on a sand bar, remain a short time, and...
aboard steamers, and start on the Yazoo...
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My Regt. was aboard the ÒLady Pike,Ó a Rotten old Hulk. We made the Pass and Moon Lake all right, but run onto a snag in the Coldwater River or Creek, and our boat sprung a leak. We landed, but the boat went down. The boat carpenters went to work and by next morning had our boat ready for us to embark, which we did, and went on our way rejoicing. It was amusing to see the boats zigzagging and trying to dodge trees and turn sharp corners. Each boat had a detail of enough men with pike poles, to shove the boat off the banks or the trees that over hung the streams. I dont think tere was a boat of any kind, but what had the smoke stacks, pilot-house and banisters all torn off, and such a fleet no one ever saw anywhere else, as ragged a lot of boats as they were when we got back to Helena. Our next move was down the Father of Waters. On the way down our boat, the Rose Hamilton, was run into by the La Salle. A hole large enough to throw a horse through was burst into the Hull of the Rose Hamilton, and she began to fill with water. The Captain of the sinking boat hailed the La Salle and told the captain to come to his assistance as his boat was sinking fast. We soldiers all moved to the opposite side from the hole and thereby held the boat in such a position that the La Salle could launch alongside of her and hold the injured part pretty much out of water till we could reach ...
which was about 3 miles up the River...
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where we found about 3 acres of mud about eight inches deep. The Boys landed and built fires. The boat crew worked all night repairing the damaged boat, and next morning we boarded her again and away we went to take our place in the fleet. This collision occurred about 9 oclock on a very dark night and it placed us in a critical position Ñ had our boat sunk, few could have been saved. Our next landing was at Lake Providence, La., a beautiful place, but we only remained here three or four days, when we again embarked on the boats and run down to Millikens Bend La., which is some miles above Vicksburg. Here we landed again, receive pay for six months service, and marched across to Richmond, La. and down below Vicksburg to carthage, and were ferried across the Miss. River on the Gun Boats and transports that had run the blockade of Vicksburg. After crossing the River our first engagement was at Raymond on May 12th. We routed the Johnies Ñ drove them back, and on May 14th we met them at Jackson the Capitol of Miss. Here my Regt. the 17th Iowa, the 80th Ohio and 10th Mo. charged their works and routed them and took the city. Our Regt. lost 97 men killed and wounded. The other two regts loss was as many each or more. We camped in the city that night, held a mock legislature in the Capitol building, passed several important bills. Among the number was one paying the boys off in Confederate money. As there was plenty of it, each man had about as much as he could carry. Tobacco, cigars and such were plentyfull and we had a jolly time. Those jolly times were a great help to us, but next morning we were on the ...
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toward Vicksburg, but we find the enemy very sullen. They dont want to give back. May 16 they make a stand at Champtions Hill Ñ we move against them, and right here is fought one of the hardest battles of the war. We charge on a battery of six guns and take it but cant hold it. They charge and retake it so we charge the second time but cannot hold our ground. We come again the third time and capture the battery and two confederate Regimental flags and hold them, and the rebs are froced to retire. I never saw so amny dead and wounded mean as I saw there, on the same amt of ground. I seemed that there were acres covered with dead and wounded men and horses. My regt was detailed to care for the wounded and bury the dead which we did the next two days. May 20th we moved on to the front again and took our place in the line and was in the great charge that was made all along the line, on May 22, and from the latter date till the surrender, July 4, were uner constant fire. Yet we had a pretty good time. I with my regiment was at the blowing up of Fort Hill, June 24th. We would exchange papers with the Johnies and have some social chat between picket lines. I visited my brother Joseph of 26th Ind. in June. His regt. being on the extreme left. The day of the Surrender and for 2 or 3 days after, my mess had several of the johnies to dine with us. I was cook of our mess that week. I cooked apple and vinegar pies, sweet cake, and green and other good things to eat.. The johnies thought we were boss fellows and they bragged on my cooking. We remained in camp at
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Vicksburg from july 4th the day of the Surrender till about the 15th of Sept, when we again had orders to prepare to move. All preparations being complete we again embarked on boats and moved up the river to Helena, Ark. Here we landed, and had orders to march out to Little Rock to reinforce the troops at that place, but the order was countermanded, and we were next ordered to go to Chattanooga Tenn. to assist Rosecrans. We boarded boats, run up to Memphis Tenn where we were again paid off, then took the cars and run out to Corinth Miss. From hee we marched to Chattanooga. I was detailed with 20 others to forage for the regiment. We had 2 wagons to haul any provisions that we could find, such as flour, meal, bacon, potatoes, and fresh pork beef or mutton that we would kill along the road. This foraging was necessary, for we could not take sufficiewnt provisions along as make as fast time as was required. Fo the army at Chattanooga were on short rations and had been for some time besieged by a large army. I enjoyed this trip very much, as I had nothing to carry except my gun and ammunition and was at liberty to go as I liked, either in the advance, at the rear, or on either side of the road for any safe distance from the command. We never failed to have plenty fresh meat and potatoes &c. for the boys in ranks. When we reached Bridgeport, Ala. which was Rosecrans base of supplies, our
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forage party was disbanded, as there was nothing to be found in that part of the land. Rosecrans had to draw supplies from Bridgeport to Chattanooga by wagon, and feed being scarce, many horses and mules died of starvation, while very many was shot by the enemies sharpshooters, as they were stationed all along the road, Many of our men were killed or wounded. It was a gantlet of danger. I beleive I am not exagerating when I say that if the dead horses and mules had been placed in line, that they would have reached from Chattanooga to Bridgeport, a distance of 30 miles, and that a person could have walked on them the entire distance without setting foot on the ground. Many of the dead animals were badly decomposed, and it was almost beyond endurance to march along that road, so fearful was the stench. I think none but old soldiers could have endured it. Well we arrived at or near Chattanooga about November 22nd or 23rd. Crossed the Tenn River at I think it was Browns Ferry, but we crossed on a Pontoon Bridge.. Moved up the river after night on the opposite side from the enemy, and recrossed the river in pontoon boats with muffled oars. It was a grand movement, and quite a sight, to see so many boats full of men landed on the enemies side without their knowledge. Took several picket posts, and threw up rifle pits and breast works, then advanced and threw up other works, this all being done after night, and so silently that before the enemy were aware of the blue coats, there were quite an army facing them. The 24th and 25th of Nov. 1863 was fought the
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Battle of Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain. My regt. march at double quick across an open field just at the foot of Mission Ridge, and in easy range of the enemies batteries, which fairly hailed their shell and grape and canister shot into our ranks. The sun about this time shone through an opening in the clouds, and poured his hot rays down on us so very hot that myself and others were overcome with heat. I had a partial sunstroke, but as we had all filled our canteens with water before starting into battle we had plenty of water. There were seven canteens of water poured onto me while we lay for a short rest at the foot of the ridge, where I fell completely exhausted. We lay here about 25 minutes. All this while I was unconscious. The first I knew or realized was the command to fix bayonets. Forward double quick march, and with my company which bore the colors, and the whole regt. went to the top of Mission Ridge, where we found the Johnies very saucy and reckless about their shooting. They would a little sooner hit a man than miss him. I will say that we relieved the Iowa brigade in this battle, as they had been doing hard fighting for some time. While we were hotly engaged in front, there appeared to our right and rear, for two thirds the length of our regt. and going at double quick, four lines of rebels. They thought of taking us prisoner.
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They did take several prisoners, but when we discovered them we made a rapid left flank movement and escaped. As soon as our line was out of range of our reserve forces, they opened fire on the rebs s they were pursuing us and checked them up. I was so over come by my recent sunstroke that I could not keep up with my regt. when they fell back, consequently I was soon right between two fires, our own men and the rebs. I though I could go no farther, so I stopped behind a big tree. But the rebs were still coming and were not more than 20 steps from me. There must have been a hundred bullets hit that tree while I was behind it. When the thought of being taken to Libby or Andersonville come into my mind, it nerved me up a little, and I start again. The side of the ridge was very steep, and the course I had to go was quartering down the ridge. Some places there were over hanging rocks and perpendicular cliffs. When near one of these places, I tripped on a stone, and over the cliff I went. I fell fully 30 feet, lighting on my left foot. My left hip next struck. I felt as though I was mashed almost to a jelly. I crawled for about 50 yeards, the rebs still demanding me to halt, but I did not do it. Then with my gun I hobbled along until I found a forked limb, which I broke off and used it for a crutch, and my gun for a cane. By this time the rebs were checked, and moving back. I reached camp at about 11:00 that night. I was numbered among the missing at Roll call. Some of my company saw me fall, but did not know the cause, supposed that I was wounded and a prioner.
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When I reached my company, every man arose from his bed to greet the Little One, as I was termed. I was the smallest one in the Regiment that carried a gun. Hence, the name of The Little One. I hardly heard my right or proper name during my term of service. Next morning the 26th, I had to be hauled to the hospital down near Chattanooga. My regiment with the rest of the command followed the Rebels a few days when they were ordered back to Chattanooga. I remained in the hospital 5 weeks nursing my ankle which was found to be dislocated and my instep badly sprained. Some of the bones in my foot fractured and some of the pieces of bone were taken out. After I recovered somewhat from my injury, I again joined the regiment and we went to Bridgeport and next to Stevenson, Ala. And finally we went to Huntsville, Ala where we went into winter quarters and again were made happy by the paymaster. Here we had fire places to our tent and huts which made it more comfortable. We also did provost duty a portion of the time that we remained here. We also went on several scouts after the rebs. When Sherman gets ready to begin his Atlanta Campaign, we move with the army. We go as far as Kingston, Ga. While we lay at Huntsville, the most of the regiment re-enlisted as veterans, myself among the number. Enough re-enlisted to retain our name and number and same organization. From Kingston we moved back on the rail road to guard it. Our division, the 3rd of the 15th Corps, was thus stationed along the road. In some places as much as two regiments were stationed while at less important points only a company or two would be left to guard.
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Eight companies of my regiment were stationed at Tilton, Ga which is a station about half way from Dalton to Resaca. There was a small block house built here to protect a bridge over a stream. Two companies H and I were stationed 4 miles up the road toward Dalton and two companies of the 10th Mo. which regiment was in our brigade, were stationed 4 miles south of the road or half way to Resaca. The rebs made frequent raids on this road for on it all of ShermanÕs supplies were transported and whenever the Rebs could do so they would run in and capture a weak poin, and tare up the rail road and run trains off the track and burn train loads of provisions. Generals Wheeler and Rodney kept up these raids all summer. They captured Companies H and I sometime in Sept. but only kept them prisoners 3 or 4 days, when they paroled them and they came back and joined the regiment. Wheeler could not hold them and do the other work too so he released them, as tearing up track and burning trains was more important. We had repeated skirmishes with him and always were too much for him. We could lick him. I have seen thousands of pounds of crackers, bacon, coffee, &c. that was being carried by the train load to the front ditched and burnt. The oil from the burning bacon run in streams along the ditches beside the tracks. Such things have
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to be seen to be realized or comprehended. The road had to be patrolled every hour in the day and every hour in the night. Each post along all along the line had an equal distance to go and a minute examination of the track and railing was required. But very frequently where there was a deep cut or short curve in the road, the rebs would secrete themselves in the brush or up on the embankment until those on patrol would pass by. Then as soon as they were out of sight or hearing they the rebs would go to work with might and main. And this was always just before the passing of a train and before another patrol could come along. Sometimes the rebs would have the railing loosened but would leave them in place. If the patrol were likely to discover them and retire to the brush, they sometimes would tie a rope to the loosened tails and just as the loaded train came up, they would pull the railing and ditch the train there, attack, kill or capture guards and train hands. After firing the cars, they would skip out again leaving their late captives to witness the burning provisions and the arrival of the Blue coats to repair the damage and save as much as possible. Thus things went till after the fall of Atlanta. Then there came a change. Especially to many that were guarding the rail roads. General Hood gets up to the north or rear of Sherman's Army and contemplates making a raid into Tenn. And of course there were not many
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posts or garrisons along the road that were able to give him much trouble in his northward move. However, he found several garrisons that he could not capture, one of which was Resaca Ñ our Colonel, Clark R. Weaver in command Ñ with the 56th Ills. of our brigade, a battery, and small number of cavalry, in all probably not over 700 men. But he was well fortified. He was attacked Oct. 12th [and] was ordered by the Rebel General in command to surrender, but his reply was, ÒYou will have to force your way in if you get this place.Ó The battle lasts all day, and the Rebs retire, leaving Col. Weaver in possession of Resaca. They next attack two companies of 10th Mo., 4 miles south of our station. The attack is made on them about 2 oÕclock in the morning. They are forced to surrender before day, or about daylight. One of their Negro cooks makes his escape from the Rebs and comes to our camp and is relating the news of the fight and capture. And while he is talking to our Lieut. Col. and Adjutant, the Rebs are seen to step out of the brush and fire at our picket guard. Their fire was returned by the guard and then they fell slowly back to camp. By this time the regiment was in line of battle with skirmishers in the advance, who were soon driven in and then the battle opened in good earnest. This was about 7 oÕclock in the morning Oct. 13th, 1864. The firing was brisk and deadly till about 9 oÕclock,
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when it ceased on the part of the Rebs. We soon learned the cause. A white flag borne by a rebel officer accompanied by two or three others made its appearance. We ceased firing to learn the cause of the flag of truce. Our commander Col. S. M. Archer sends Capt Hicks of Co. K and one or two other officers out to meet the bearers of the white flag and to learn what was wanted. The rebel officer upon being questioned as to the meaning of the truce, replied that there was a very large Army at this time lying in musket range and entirely surrounding us. And that General Stewart commanding, said forces demands the immediate and unconditional surrender of the troops at this place and that they shall be treated as prisoners of war if they surrender without further bloodshed, otherwise if they have to be forced to surrender, no quarters will be given. ArcherÕs reply was, ÒIf you want us come in and take us if you can. We were placed here to hold this post and you cant have it till you blow us outÓ. Well, says the Rebel officer, Òwe have you surrounded and can take you by assaultÓ. ÒCanÕt help itÓ, says Archer. To this the rebel officer says ÒI admire your pluck, but you donÕt show a damn bit of judgment.Ó He retires with his white flag and the ball opens again with increased fury. We have nothing by small arms. Co. H & I
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are in the block house. The remainder of the regt are in the ditch around the blockhouse and we are badly crowded. The rebs are in our cook houses firing at us. They are also making holes under the railing and between the ties of the rail road which is about a 15 or 20 foot grade and within sixty feet of the blockhouse. They also can find shelter at the bridge which they do and send in their deadly minnies thick and fast. We are alive to the situation and make it hot for them as they do for us. Boom, boom, boom goes their canons. They have planted a six gun battery within three hundred yards of us. The battery is in the edge of the woods to the south of us. Our boys give their attention for a while to the battery. All but one gun is silenced and one left exposed to the range of our muskets or Springfield rifles. Their one gun keeps up a steady fire as it is better protected. They soon bring two more heavy guns, plant them near their other gun and turn loose on us with these 32 pound parrot guns. First shot cuts the telegraph wire. Next one a little lower. Next cuts a railing on the track. They are still too high. Then one shell strikes the bank, bursts, and throws dirt over us. Now they get the range and one takes the top off our block house. Many of their shells strike the heavy timbers of which our house is built. Some of the shells bound back and fall into the ditch among us.
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They are seized and thrown over the breast work before they explode, while others do sad havoc by exploding in the crowded ditch. This work is kept up till half past 3 oÕclock P.M. when a 32 pound shell is forced through a port hole of the block house. It passes through striking the opposite side and then bounding back to the center where it explodes killing and wounding 17 men. It sets clothing, ammunition, and the house on fire filling the same with suffocating smoke. We are forced to show the white flag. As soon as the rebs see it they raise the yell like demons and here they come. I expect our present U.S. Senator F.W. Cockrell knows something about this little affair. Well, they demand our money, watch, or anything that we have. Hat, boots, &c. As we had just been paid off and those that had lasted as veterans were expecting a veteran furlough, we had pretty plenty of money and good clothes. But no furlough now. Our money will do us but little good unless we can conceal it. I shove my pocket book with 75 dollars in it under some logs that formed our breast works. Gen. Stewart rides up and ordering his men to quit robbing these prisoners, remarking at the same time that men who fight so grandly as we had done against such odds, deserve to be treated as prisoners of war. We were not further molested. I watched
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my opportunity and slipped my pocket book from where I had it concealed and put it in my pocket. That evening we are marched along the rail road which is being torn up and burned and the railing after getting red hot is bent in the shape of letters. C.S.A., Confederate States of America. We arrive at Dalton after night. We busy ourselves through the night hiding our money and valuables. We have various ways and places to hide it. Well when morning comes we hear the roar of cannons. Sherman is following Hood, and making him travel. We prisoners are joined by others and our number has increased. There is of our regiment about 320 men. The garrison at Dalton is captured. The numbered about 1000 I think, and together with those from other places we number about 2000 prisoners. We are marched out through Snake Creek Gap. We march 4 1/2 days without anything to eat. I pay $5.00 for a small green pumpkin which is greedily eaten by myself and bunk mate Alex Rinehart. It does not set well on our stomachs. On the evening of the fifth days march the rebs haul in two or three loads of corn, and throw it to us like feeding hogs. This we gather up and roast in a fire and eat. Next morning we are given a small piece of corn bread about two inches square, with bran in it, and no salt. We are put on the cars at Talladega, Ala. and run down to Montgomery where we take a boat, run down the Ala. River to Selma. Next we go to Cahaba. Here we are put into an already
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crowded building. There is not room enough for us all to lie down. We are searched before entering this prison and if any money or valuables are found on our persons, it is confiscated. I have a quart jug with some molasses in it that I bought in the city after landing. I take a $50 bill roll it up, wrap dirty paper around it and make a stopper for my jug. I then take a $10 bill and hide it in a loaf of light bread that I also bought here. Thus I am able to conceal and carry my money with me. I also have a photograph album which contains about 50 photographs of relatives, friends, and prominent Union Generals. A rebel officer takes a fancy to it and offers me $20 in greenbacks or $100 in Confederate money for it. But his offer is rejected with the remark that all the Confederate scrip in the south could not buy it. I am permitted to keep it. I still have many of the pictures yet. I carried them on many hard marches and through six and a half month confinement in rebel prison pens. We stay at Cahaba 3 days, when we again are put on a boat and run up to Montgomery where we take the cars and are soon landed at Millen [GA] Stockade. It is a cold gloomy, rainy day. The prisoners are all as black as darkies. This is caused by hovering over fires of pitch pin,e as this is the only kind of wood we can get. It burns well but the smoke is black as coal. I find in this prison a cousin whom I had never met before. He was a member of the 4th Kentucky Infantry and saw Gen. Jollicoffer at the time
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he was killed at the battle of Mill Springs, Ky, in 1861. This cousins name is James Burk. Him and I, began to contemplate trying to make our escape or get out some way. It is now about the 1st of Nov. In about 3 weeks there comes an order to parole 500 or a 1,000 sick and wounded prisoners. One morning one of the rebel hospital stewards came in to the prison and informed us that there was to be a parole of some prisoners and if any of us would pay him something as an inducement, he would let us go as nurses. But we would have to go out on some dead mans name. That is personate(?) a dead man, to this Burk and I agreed. I had a nice little watch that we agreed to give him if he would let Burk and myself go as nurses. To this he consented. The time for going out was set for three o'clock in the afternoon. I delivered the watch to him and was feeling pretty good at the prospect of getting out of such a terrible place. I was on time long before 3 oclock but by some means the time was changed to about 11 oclock unbeknown to me or Burk. However, Burk happened to be near the gate where they were to go out and he saw the steward who told him that now was his time. So Burk went dead and was carried out side the stockade and I suppose came to life again as soon as soon as he was out and joined the ranks of the sick that were to be paroled and unfortunate me was left in prison. But Burk did not know but what I was among their number, so he says,
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till in August 1884 in reading the National Tribune he saw a communication in it from L. F. Parrish and he writes me a letter in which he asks me if I still remember the little watch that I carried into the rebel prison and which secured our release. In my reply to his letter I stated that I remembered very distinctly the watch but that I was not as lucky as he, for I did not get out an the watch trade which was a great surprise to him. He claims that that watch was the means of saving his life and I do not doubt it as he was in very poor health, hardly able to go about. By the way, he promises to present me a watch as part pay and as a token of his appreciation of the good mine had done him. Well you can rest assured that I was very grievously disappointed when I found that I had to remain no telling how long in the very Jaws of Death. Oh, it makes my blood chill and the hair stand on my head when I let my mind run back to the time of my imprisonment where I seem so much misery and sufferings. Deaths by the hundred in a day. I have seen from ten to 15 or more dead men piled up on one wagon to taken to the cemetery for internment. These men were stripped of all their clothing and then piled on to the wagon and seen from a short distance they resembled dressed hogs. Such scenes cannot be pictured by pen or brush. They must actually be seen to be
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realized. Millen stockade was my home or Hell rather, till the approach of Wilson's [actually it was Kilpatrick's] Cavalry made it unsafe for the rebs to retain the prisoners at this place longer. So we were hustled into the cars and taken further down in ÒDixie Land.Ó We go through Macon and down to Savannah. Then out into the Black Shear Swamps. We are next moved further south to Thomasville near the Fla. line. At this place we stay about 2 weeks and are surrounded or enclose by a large deep ditch which the rebs dug on purpose to keep us from breaking guard and escaping. There were several thousand Negroes employed in digging this trench. We prisoners I suppose numbered from 15 to 20 thousand. Our next move was across to Albany. This was a hard trip on us. Many of the boys gave out and could not travel. None were hauled. If a man could not keep up, he was shot down by the rear guard and left lying by the road side. I do not doubt but what many bones are at this day bleaching and decaying along the road from Thomasville to Albany. We reached Albany on the evening of Dec 31st where we boarded the cars. We were jammed in so tight that we could not lie down. Most of us had to stand up all night. It was pretty cold. Ice formed a quarter on an inch thick. Several in each car was dead next morning when we arrived at Andersonville. This is New Years morning 1865, bright and beautiful but too cold for
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naked or thinly clad persons. A heavy frost covers the ground. We leave the cars and are marched out and formed into line, where our names are set down in a book. Old Capt. Wirz flying around like a hen on a hot griddle, if you know how that is. He Wirz calls for all that can write to step 4 paces to the front. As the boys in blue were quite different from the boys in gray, nearly every man stepped forward. Very few indeed remained in line. So many came forward that it enraged the old demon and he ordered them back in line. Then he called for the non-commissioned officers (there were no commissioned officers with us) and as these men stepped out he asks how many of them can write. They all respond in the affirmative and this makes him mad but he sets them and some of his men to work taking a list of names, preparatory to sending us into the stockade. This being completed, we are marched into the worst place that ever man entered or perhaps ever will this side of the infernal regions where Satan reigns. I am of the opinion that the Devil himself is a far better looking man and has a better heart and principal, than Capt Henry Wirz of Andersonville fame, or any of his upholders or sympathizers. Our New Years dinner consisted of nothing. Our supper was exactly the same dish and for breakfast next
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morning and which was to last for the day, we had a small piece of corn bread, 2 inches square. About 2 ounces of tainted beef and 3 spoonfuls of beans. We drew beans one day and rice the next. Beef one day and molasses the next. The beans most generally were bad being full of bugs. The rice part of the time was good, but most that we got was wormy. All the provisions that were brought in the prison was thrown in the wagons that was used for hauling off the dead. I don't believe the wagons were cleansed at any time from the filth that would accumulate on them. Both from the provisions and dead men. I do not wish to say much more on the subject of how prisoners fared for the subject has been written up better than I can write it and yet the half has never been written nor never can be. It will never be fully explained and made known this side of the judgment bar ___ him who is to judge the world in righteousness and equity. Suffice it to say that the amount each prisoner received as a days ration, would not have as much sustaining properties in it as an ordinary sized biscuit with a slice of meat in proportion and a cup of good coffee. But to make it go as far as possible we would drink a quart or so of soup which was little more than warm water. The rich part of the soup was the oil boiled from the bugs which would rise to the top and form quite a body of oil on the water.
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This soup or hot-water we would fill up on first. Then we would feast on what few beans or rice (as the case would be) was in the bottom of ___ vessel in which they were cooked. We made one request that was granted. We requested that instead of giving us bread that they give as meal and some kettles to cook it in. Of the meal we would sometimes make mush or Yankee pudding or make a pot of gruel. Sometimes cook meal, beef, rice, or beans all together and have as it were a kind of pot-pie and thus we changed ways of cooking. I believe that many men actually starved to death and yet had some little to eat every day, nearly. I can say, and I know I express the feelings of thousands, that I did not cease being very hungry the whole term of my imprisonment. Many people think and say they are hungry as a wolf when perhaps it has only been six hours or perhaps less since they had eaten till they were satisfied. Now just think what it would be to have ten fold greater hunger gnawings and cravings. I tell you my dear reader I don't believe you were ever hungry unless you have experienced prison life or something similar. A person can't get hungry in 6 or 8 hours. It takes days. And then to be hungry for a month, 6 months, 12 months or 2 years. It is horrible and beyond the power of man to portray
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or explain to others the misery one endures. My going without food 4 1/2 days and doing hard marching at the same time brought on a disease of the stomach and bowels from which I have never recovered. Neither do I ever expect to. I have been almost a constant sufferer from this disease. I have taken quite a good deal of medicine both for disease of stomachs and bowels and disease of the lungs but I only get slight temporary relief. I will now proceed to tell how we passed the time while in Anderson prison and the same exercises can be applied to all other southern military prisons. Where the room or grounds would permit of such, the first thing in the morning on arising was a hunt. Most everybody went hunting. There were some however that were either too lazy or too weak. It made little difference though with the game. For if we did not hunt the game it would hunt us. Two kinds of game existed in our mist. I will not give the scientific names, but will give the plain soldier name. It is gray backs and fleas. It was necessary for us to keep them in subjection, and the only way was to work on them daily and thin them back by killing them. After two or three hours hunt, which would cover an area of about six feet square, we would then assemble for our rations. Get breakfast. Talk about home and loved ones till we would cry. Then someone
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would remark, boys this won't do, let us have a game of town ball, base, or blackman. We played each of these games. Also many other exercises were engaged in. Foot races, pitching chips, stones or anything to make a game. Many of the boys were so weak that very little running would completely exhaust them. Thus we would play, then we would change to something else. We had a regular hour for prayer meetings which was very well attended. We also had several very good preachers among us, who preached often for us. We had some very interesting sermons and some glorious meetings. I believe many were truly and soundly converted to the service of God while in prison and in those meetings we had our political meeting also and stump speeches. But at some of our meetings there would be quite an excitement. Perhaps some new prisoners had been put in with us and they tell us about what Sherman or Grant or Old Pap Thomas is doing. We become excited. The Rebs don't like it. They think we are contemplating breaking out, so they order us to disperse which we have to do or they will shoot into the crowd which was very often done. These different exercises were our daily order of business. The prison was not without vices either for playing cards, Chuckaluck, dice, and such like games were constantly being played. As fresh prisoners were coming in almost daily, we were generally pretty well posted as to what our army
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was doing, as many of the boys brought papers with them which were eagerly read by someone so that all could hear that could get near enough. But where a news paper was being read the reader was concealed from the view of the guards. We received news in this way and it often was such cheery news that we could not help hollowing and rejoicing over it. This would bring the rebs in to see what was the occasion of our rejoicing and shouting but they could not find a paper or anything to show that we had received such news. The rebs would occasionally give us some of their papers, Macon, Savannah, or Richmond papers. These papers would contain some very glowing accounts of how the Confederates were using the Yankees up. We knew they were exaggerating and in fact lying to their soldiers in order to encourage them. We would tell them so too, but it would make them mad and we did not care. At last in order to recruit their army they sent in recruiting officers and tried to enlist prisoners into the Confederate Services promising 30 to 60 days rest in camp with nothing whatever to do and then they should go to the front. Some prisoners did enlist with the avowed purpose of deserting at the first opportunity. This was carried out by some while others were in the Rebel ranks when the Confederacy collapsed and they had no chance to make their escape from the Rebs. But comparatively few thus enlisted.
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I put in over three months in this prison. About the 5th of April 1865, 500 prisoners were taken out to be paroled or exchanged, my company being numbered with the 500. We march out to the rail road, board the cars, bid Andersonville stockade farewell. Hold on! I don't think we did either for how could [one] say farewell to such a place of torture! But instead of farewell, we pronounced our curses upon it and its commander, and with sorrow for those left inside, we took our leave. We run on cars up to Columbus, GA, then out to Montgomery, and next to Selma where we again got on the cars. Run out through Demopolis [written as "Gilaapolis"], and Meridian, Miss. and on to Jackson, the capitol . Here we left the cars and have to go afoot to Vicksburg or rather to Big Black River where we are to be turned over to Uncle Sam. We await the exchange. We are still waiting before leaving Jackson. We are drawn up in lines and informed that if we will not molest the guards and will go along peaceably and not try to escape or leave the road at any great distance, that a light guard consisting of 4 or 5 men on horse will be all that will accompany us to our lines. And that we can take our time and go through. This we appreciate too. Then we start our journey to the land of promise. The land that flows with plenty. The land that floats the Stars and Stripes, the emblem of Freedom and Liberty.
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Many of us are in very poor trim to start on such a trip. Yet we are buoyed up with the thoughts of soon being in the Union lines and privileged to once more behold our glorious old banner, the Flag of the Free. We pass out of the city which looks quite different to what it did when we first seen it in 1863, May 14th, the time we captured it and held our mock legislature in the state house. The city has been burned or at least the larger portion of it, and it is a desolate looking place indeed. Just after leaving the city, we come to the place where the 17th Iowa, 10th Mo. and 80th Ohio, formed a line of battle on May 14th, 1863 and fought the battle which resulted in the capture of the city as has previously been stated here. We that were in that battle, request a halt which is granted while we look over the battle ground and visit the graves of our fallen comrades. We shed tears, and take up our line of march. And its right here too that the remnants of shoes that I have tried to keep on my feet thus far are completely useless and I cannot use them any longer. They are thrown away. Most of the boys are bare foot. Many have nothing but a very ragged dirty pair of drawers on. Others have nothing but a ragged piece of blanket or tent cloth to wrap around and partly cover their nakedness. It is very hard to attempt to picture the scene. Yet with all this wretchedness and weakness, the patriots blood circulates freely in our veins.
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We trudge along day after day. The 5th day we arrive at Black River but long before we got there we can see the glorious old Flag stretching her silvery folds to our view. We cheer. We jump. We hollow, turn somersaults and do every thing we can to give vent to our feelings. Such rejoicing I never felt or witnessed in others as I experienced at this time. Nether do I ever expect to again, till I hear it from the lips of the redeemed in glory, as they shout Hallelujahs around the throne of God. Tongue cannot express the joy and thankfulness that we poor starved almost naked men felt in our hearts and inmost souls. The nearer we approached the river the more impatient we became and the more enthusiastic we became. Our guard did not try to restrain us but seemed to enjoy our pleasure quite equal to ourselves. The whole rebel army could not have made us quiet at that time. We arrive on the banks of the Black River and are halted. We see several of our men shouldering boxes of hard tack on the other side of the River. They start toward us. Cross on the pontoon bridge and open the boxes giving each of us one cracker which is almost swallowed whole by some of the men. We are kept on this side for about 2 hours when we are marched across the way. As we are crossing the River which is the dividing line between the boys in blue and the boys in gray we keep up a continual uproar of cheering and are well paid for it.
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For we now behold a long row of camp kettles. All giving off hot steam which scents the air with a delicious flavor which betrays to contents of the kettles. Coffee, coffee, coffee, the fellows cheer. This coffee is passed around and each one of us gets a new pint cup full. It was the best coffee that I ever drank and in addition to the coffee was another cracker and a nice slice of Army bacon. One half inch thick and 2 inches square. Then we cheer the bacon. Next we cheer the waiters. Then the cooks. The commissary. Then our boys. Then the generals. Then Father Abe and last Uncle Samuel. It was necessary too that we were allowanced and the officer in charge cautioned us to not eat much. They also gave orders to the soldiers to not to give us any more to eat till night. But some of the prisoners would manage to get crackers or meat and they would eat till it killed them. Several died from over eating that night. We went into camp, had good tents, warm blankets, and drew new clothing. Shed our prison rags, washed and scoured to get the pitch smoke off and we were soon looking a good deal better and feeling much better. Three days after getting into our lines I was weighed. I balanced the scales at 73 pounds with a brand new soldier suit on. I felt then as though I could lick any Johnnie.
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We were to lay here in camp till we were paroled which was not till the 17th day of April, three days after the Assassination of our beloved Lincoln the news of which cast a gloom over our camp. Many were the tears I saw fall from the Eyes of men who had just come out of the jaws of death. After we were paroled we boarded a boat bound for St. Louis. On the way up the river and just a little way below Fort Pillow where the terrible massacre occurred, our boat sprang a leak. We had to land and repair as the country were then full of bushwhackers and some regular soldiers too. The boys were told to stay near the boat or they might be killed or taken prisoners again. But some of them had been informed or else they scented it, I do not know which, that there was a large Ware House about one hundred yards up the river on the bluff and that there was whiskey stored in it. They go regardless of what has been told them and they will risk being shot or taken prisoners again, for the sake of getting a little whiskey. Why I believe some of them would wade through flaming fire or boiling oil if possible in order to get whiskey, so strong was their appetite for it. Well as good luck was on their side no rebs bothered them. They got the whiskey. Some got it in buckets, some in coffee pots, some in canteens, and some in their Army hats.
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By this time the boat was repaired. She blew the signal to start. Here comes the boys some of whom are almost past traveling. The whiskey is taking effect. Quite a number of the boys were beastly drunk. They had quite a lively time after getting aboard as some of them said they were in Gods country where a man had his liberty. There were some fights among those that were drinking. As for myself, I did not leave the boat and as I had not acquired an appetite for strong drink, I did not indulge in the stuff, but remained on cabin deck while those that were drinking were not permitted to come up until they were sobered up. The remainder of the trip up to St Louis was not marked with any incident worthy of note except the greetings we prisoners received from citizens at every landing we made. They seemed very happy and glad that the suffering in prison was about to close. For the war was virtually at an end. On landing at St Louis we were sent to the soldiers home. Here we remained till May 6th when we were each given a 30 days furlough home. I run up the North Mo. Rail Road to Macon City, change cars run out on Hannibal & St Joe to Chillicothe, where I stop over night. Here I see many confederate soldiers on their way home too.
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After paying for my nights lodging, I find that I have but $1.75 on hand. The fare and the hack to Princeton, Mo. is $5.00. What am I to do. I want to see mother, father, brothers, sisters and loved ones. I am poor and weak not able to walk so great a distance. I want to go to Mt. Moriah, Harrison Co, Mo. It is 60 miles or more. On making inquiry as to the time the hack leaves and the fare to Princeton, Mercer Co., I am told that the hack will go out in about an hour or at about 7 o'clock and the fare is five dollars. I remark that I guess that lets me out as I am almost strapped. Then follows inquiries by those standing in front of the Hotel as to who I am. I tell them. I see a man standing a few paces away who appears to be listening. He steps up and says, ÒYou say you are a soldier?Ó My reply was yes sir. Well says he, ÒWhat regiment and command do you belong to.Ó I belong to Co. G 17th Iowa Veteran Volunteer Infantry, 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 15th Army Corps. ShermanÕs Army. I have been a prisoner over six months. I am on my way home on a thirty days furlough and am strapped or nearly so, as I have but one dollar and seventy five cents. I haven't seen my mother for over four [actually just over three] years. When he heard what I had to say, he handed me a five dollar bill with the remark, ÒI know what it is to be strapped and among strangers.Ó The man was Capt. J.N. Norville of Chillicothe, Mo. and late a member of 2nd Cavalry or ÒNorvilles HorseÓ as it was better known by the latter name.
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I shall always remember Capt. Norville as a friend indeed in time of need. I will say that I paid Capt. Norville back his five dollars on my return to Chillicothe and would gladly have paid him double the amount but he would only take the five dollars. On my arrival at Princeton I saw no one that I knew that night but in the morning I learned that Dr. T. M. Fullerton was then living in town. I had been acquainted with him before the war. While he lived at Gainsville, Mo. he had been our family physician. I found the Dr. and made inquiries if he knew of anybody from Mt. Moriah or near that place that were in town and that I could meet with a chance to ride out home. He could not accommodate me with a horse. I was again strapped, as it took $1.50 of my $1.75 to pay my nights lodging. I only had 25 cents and that would not go far towards hiring a horse. While the Dr. and I were talking, another gentleman stepped up to me. Just as Capt Norville had at Chillicothe the morning previous. After asking who I was and where I lived said he could find a horse for me. He invited me to his store and after having a cigar, took from his desk a photograph and handed it to me asking me if I knew who it was. I at once recognized my sister Jennie. I asked if she was in town.
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He answered no, she is at home. I then asked if she was married and he again says no. I began then to understand matters! This gentleman was Mr. James Burrows of Princeton, Mo. and was at that time paying his respects to my sister, Jennie Parrish. Presently he has his horse saddled and bridled and I mount the horse and start for home. I take them all by surprise as they little thought of ever seeing me again. They know the horse but not the rider till I get inside the yard fence. Then they all, mother first, then bros. and sisters, and father. There was rejoicing over the return of son and brother who it was thought had perished in Southern prison. I learn soon after getting home that my sister and Mr. Burrows are engaged to be married the 20th day of June, it being her birthday. But I wished to witness the marriage ceremonies and as I could not be present at that date my furlough running out or expiring June 6th at which time I had to report back to St. Louis. I had time for marriage changed to June 5th both parties agreeing to the change on my account. June 5th came, it was a lovely day. 11 o'clock the ceremonies of matrimony is performed, Eld. John Woodward officiating. Then followed a good and excellent dinner such as mother is capable of getting up and we that is, Mr. Burrows and wife and myself, take our leave. The former for Keokuk, Iowa on business and myself to join my regiment at St. Louis.
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On arrival at St. Louis, I find but few of my regiment as most of them had been ordered to Davenport, Iowa to be mustered out of service. I stay at St. Louis for 6 days. Then I am ordered to Davenport. I board the Miss. steamer and am smoothly carried to Keokuk, Iowa where I meet my now brother-in-law Jim Burrows and wife but I cannot tarry long with them, as the train that is to bear me on my further on my journey will soon pull out. This train takes me to Fort Madison. Here I stay overnight with our regimental chief musician, Mr. Jacob Votaw. Next morning I again board a boat and land at Davenport where after a few days I receive my discharge and what pay there was due me which at this time amounted to $87.35. This with my discharge I received June 17th, 1865. And now I am no longer a soldier, but am proud of my soldier record. Proud that I belonged to an army that never knew defeat. Proud of such commanders as Grant, Sherman, McPherson, and Logan. And proud that I had the honor of helping to restore the Union and upholding the Star Spangled Banner and the Flag of the Free. And now as I am a citizen, I will not weary you longer, but will bid you adieu.
I am with respect, Yours Truly
Linus F. Parrish
Late of Co. G, 17th Regt., Iowa Vet. Vols, Infantry
2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 15th Army Corps.
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Manuscripts by Linus Freeman Parrish
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